bout de papier, Vol. 29, No. 4 (2016), pp. 46–48
In the early 1950s, deputy under-secretary of state for external affairs, Escott Reid, inspired and led an ambitious project to produce a series of thematic papers “to focus and clarify our longer-range thinking on the objectives and the application of Canadian foreign policy,” as the circular note covering one study put it. The intent was not to define “a rigid ‘party line’” but rather to provide “an aid to digestion in thinking” about key aspects of Canada’s foreign policy. Not all of the papers were completed and fewer were circulated by the time the “Re-Examination of Canadian Foreign Policy” stalled and then halted, as few could devote the energy and enthusiasm to the exercise of its originator.
Even so, some of the draft papers shed light on attitudes, assumptions and circumstances that help us to understand how Canadian policy-makers dealt with the day-to-day challenges of international relations in the early years of the cold war.
The paper extracted below (ellipses indicate omissions for reasons of length) was intended to serve as the overview and introduction to the series. Its principal author, R. M. Macdonnell, was serving as assistant under-secretary of state when this draft was circulated to colleagues. There is no circulated final version on file (5296-A-1-40) at Library and Archives Canada. Dr. Boris Stipernitz retrieved this document and conducted initial editing when we worked together on another ambitious and ill-fated project for the department, an educational website entitled Canadians in the World / Les Canadiens dans le monde.
B — There is Agreement on the Necessity of United States Leadership
Since the increasing power of the Soviet Union has not been accompanied by a similar increase in the power of Western Europe, Europe cannot by itself reach an equilibrium in power between East and West. Such an equilibrium is now impossible without United States participation and, since the United States is so much the most powerful country, without United States leadership. This has been recognized by many of the Western democracies, in some cases with more
reluctance than in others.
C — Like Others, Our Resources Are Limited
Along with other countries, Canada disposes of resources well below the level of great powers. There are obvious absolute limitations imposed by population, possession of raw materials, industrial production and so forth, and there are less tangible limitations imposed by a public opinion unwilling to devote too great a percentage of those resources to the fulfillment of any particular policy. A country in sucha position … must make its policies acceptable to other (and especially major) like-minded powers. Those policies must
be able to win support by their own worth.
D – Foreign Policy Is Made the Same Way — Reconciliation of Conflicting Views
No democracy can be immune to internal tussles over the direction taken by foreign as well as domestic policy. These internal disagreements can take a wide variety of forms. They may be between region and region, between industry and agriculture or fisheries; between the long view and the short view. They may even be between the personal predilections of leading public figures. A fairly depressing catalogue could be compiled of foreign policy decisions taken by governments which because of the strength of a particular group or region ran counter to the long range interests of the country. The foreign policy of a democracy is not a tidy reference book drawn up by theorists and searched for answers when questions arise. It is frequently the outcome of determined jostling which, on occasion, imparts an air of untidiness to the finished product.
KOK OK
10. Ifthen we can set aside these factors as not constituting unique or unusual problems for Canada, it may be easier to A — The Need for National Unity
11. ‘The most important single factor in Canadian foreign policy is the need to maintain national unity. In Canada there is a special danger of disunity … by reason of the fact that the country is divided into two principal linguistic groups which also in the main correspond with the two chief religious and cultural divisions. Canadian foreign policy must be careful, on the one hand not to make the smaller group feel that the majority is riding rough-shod over its interests, and at the same time avoid making the majority feel that their deference to the feelings of the minority has been an undue restraint. … Cultural affinities probably have less bearing on foreign policy than differences in religious outlook though the special importance of relationships with France — a cultural rather than religious connection ~ has a significant bearing on this question of national unity. Differences in religious outlook exert a considerable influence on the conduct of Canadian foreign policy. The fact that within the Canadian population there is a large Roman Catholic group and a large Protestant group is bound to affect the policies which any Canadian Government can pursue.
B — Influence of Commonwealth Links
12. The existence and development of the Commonwealth has had and will continue to have an important influence on Canadian foreign policy, in fact a variety of influences. Foremost is the strength of the ties — both practical and sentimental — with the United Kingdom. Partly to offset too great reliance on the United States, partly because of a community of interests and ideas in a number of fields, and partly because of sentimental attachments dating from an earlier era, Canadian policy must take account of what the United Kingdom is doing. To a very much lesser extent this is true of the older Commonwealth countries. … South Africa is a special case; we would feel much less embarrassment in the United Nations and could take decisions more easily on questions of racial policy if South Africa were not a member of the Commonwealth. Then there are the Asian members … Newly independent, uncertain about the advantages and disadvantages of Commonwealth membership, and not taking a very prominent place in the thinking of most Canadians, they pose problems of some complexity in the formation of Canadian foreign policy. They represent the Asia bridgehead of the Commonwealth bridge between the Asian and the Western worlds which is a potentially valuable 13. The existence of the sterling area, which is essentially a Commonwealth creation but of which Canada is not a member, has a very direct influence on Canadian foreign policy.
C — Influence of the United States
14. Canada is dependent on the United States in many ways. Canadian industry is to a great extent controlled by United States industry. While, therefore, the Canadian government can prevent Canadian industry from taking positive actions which are contrary to Canadian policy, it cannot always rely on Canadian industry to take action which it considers desirable. … Also, Canada is very much dependent on United States channels of trade. … Therefore, if the United States prohibits trade with a certain country, Canada may normally expect to be faced with the loss of its trade with that country if the trade is carried on through United States ports. In a time of competition for raw materials such as steel, the Canadian Government cannot adopt a policy contrary to United States policy without grave danger of losing access to a large part of the raw materials because it imports them either from the United States or from other countries through allocation agreements with the United States.
15. Canada is subject to more cultural influence by the United States than any other country. … the Canadian public is exposed to a good deal of argument and counter-argument designed for a United States audience. To some extent therefore it is conditioned to accept the same views on international affairs as the public in the United States, whether that view be in Canada’s interests or not. Since the Canadian Government is bound to follow the dictates of Canadian public opinion, in practice, the United States organs which influence Canadian public opinion influence Canadian foreign policy.
16. It must also be recognized that Canada is ultimately dependent for its defence upon the United States.
D – Dependence on Trade
17. The Canadian economy is more dependent than many other economies on exports for the maintenance of a high standard of living. … Therefore, it has long been a fundamental need with the Canadian Government to follow whatever course of action is necessary to maintain the highest possible level of international trade. The disruption caused by the Second World War resulted in a serious decline in the ability of other countries to buy from Canada. This decline has been offset partly by United States economic and military aid, by similar aid granted by Canada, and to a small extent by such aid granted by other countries.
E — Constitutional Limitations
18. Under the Canadian constitution, the powers of sovereignty are so divided that except in time of war, real or apprehended, or other unusual emergency threatening the existence of the state, the Canadian Government is unable to operate internationally in some spheres.
19. The remainder of the paper will deal with the substance of foreign policy. Given the historical background, what general observations can usefully be made on the direction which Canadian foreign policy should take? What should be the major considerations in the minds of those who frame policy?
20. In the first place, no Canadian policy will be acceptable if it seems to involve an undue risk of provoking another world war. … Ina more positive sense, Canadian policy has to aim at promoting conditions most favourable for the achievement of an understanding with the Soviet Union which will provide reasonable relief from fear of imminent war or subversion. … Canadian policy must aim to have the Atlantic Powers protect their reasonable interests without giving legitimate grounds for complaint to the Soviet Union and its associates and without giving the Soviet Union’s propaganda the opportunity to convince the people of the West that the Atlantic Powers have threatened the legitimate security of the Soviet Union.
21. In second place, Canadian policy puts Europe ahead of Asia; it holds that the preservation of Western Europe (and that part of the Middle East bordering on the Mediterranean) from Soviet control is of greater importance to the free world than preserving Asia from Soviet or Chinese control. … The Far East cannot be ignored — witness Korea — but insofar as we have any choice in the matter, Europe comes first.
22. The urgent need to maintain and strengthen the North Atlantic alliance and the community of interests on which it is based means that Canada, like the other members of the alliance, must be prepared to agree to compromise in an effort to preserve the necessary degree of unanimity within the alliance.
23. In the third place, the importance of the potential value of the United Nations [Organization – UN(O) I must not be disregarded even though the Organization is incapable of doing the things its founders hoped it could do and even though much of its effort bogs down in frustration. A properly functioning United Nations is to a large extent the embodiment of Canadian views on the international community and Canadian policy must always avoid action which would weaken or destroy the United Nations so long as there is any hope that the Organization will carry out the purposes for which it was founded.
Originally published in bout de papier, Vol. 29, No. 4 (2016), pp. 46–48. Read the rest of this issue →
