bout de papier, Vol. 15, No. 2 (1998) — Summer 1998 // Été 1998, pp. 40–42

“Who is master of Bohemia,” the Iron Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, once remarked, “is master of Europe”. That strategic importance was a mixed blessing in the history of the republic of Czechoslovakia, as it had been in the thousand years after Great Moravia first briefly united Czech and Slovak groups. That others shared Bismarck’s assessment has been amply and unfortunately demonstrated in the twentieth century. The republic of Czechoslovakia that was proclaimed so proudly in the final days of one world war, in October 1918, was dismembered on the eve of another, at Munich in September 1938 (with its neighbours hacking away until virtually nothing was left six months later). After subjection to Nazi Germany, what had been Czechoslovakia was liberated by the Red Army in 1945. Its consequently precarious independence was abruptly terminated when the Communists seized power in a coup in February 1948. Twenty years later, the Soviet Union and its allies in the Warsaw Pact perceived the “Prague Spring” as a sufficient threat to their regimes that they invaded Czechoslovakia in August 1968, thereby reimposing more orthodox Communist rule. More recently, the end of the Cold War, perhaps appropriately, had ambiguous effects for Czechoslovakia: the rebirth of democracy and the end of the often troubled history of the republic of Czechoslovakia.

This year marks numerous anniversaries for Czechoslovakia, including the formation of the state, appeasement at Munich, the coup and the invasion. Two of these events are depicted here from reports sent to Ottawa from Prague by R.M. Macdonnell, who was Chargé d’Affaires in 1948, and by Charles V. Cole, who was Chargé d’Affaires in 1968. As seen from the post, the Communist coup has been depicted in volume 14 (1948) of the series Documents on Canadian External Relations. But we have published here instead a despatch about an associated event, the “suicide” of Jan Masaryk, son of the republic’s first president and foreign minister under the old and new regimes. The tragic death of Masaryk, who personified the identification and association of many Czechs with the West, shocked international opinion even more than the political machinations which prompted it. Possibly more jarring still for a later generation was the invasion of Czechoslovakia by its neighbours and nominal allies on the night of 21-22 August 1968. The communications reproduced here convey the plight of the Czechoslovakian people and the courageous but futile defiance which was their initial response to the armed intervention.

For providing copies of the messages about the Warsaw pact invasion, we would like to thank Paul Anderson of the Historical Section, as well as the coauthors of volume 3 of the departmental history, John Hülliker and Mary Halloran. Our thanks as well to Peter McKellar, Director of the Central Europe Division, who declassified the documents promptly in response to our request.

Chargé d’Affaires (Prague) to Secretary of State for External Affairs, No. 59, 15 March 1948

The state funeral for the late Jan Masaryk [Foreign Minister of Czechoslovakia at his death] provided the only opportunity that the people of this unhappy country have had, or are likely to have (barring a similar tragedy involving President [Edvard] Benes), to show their real feelings about the events that have overwhelmed them. Enormous crowds turned out to pay their final tribute to the man who was the most articulate and colourful supporter in Czechoslovakia of those democratic liberties which are fast disappearing, and the display of grief was most moving.

2. March 12th: the body lay in state at the Foreign Ministry. From the early hours of dawn until late in the evening all the approaches to the building were filled for half a mile or more with long lines of people, patiently waiting for the few moments when they could have a last glimpse of their departed friend and perhaps touch him, as many did. There must have been at least two hundred thousand representing all strata of life. Men and women, young and old, simple peasants and sophisticated urbanites, rich and poor, all moved forward slowly together in the seemingly endless procession of mourners. The sobs and tears of men and women alike showed that this was no mere perfunctory duty.

3. The next day the state funeral began at 2 p.m., and by I a.m. the crowds were beginning to form along the route. The opening ceremonies were held in a rather small “pantheon” in the National Museum, and were attended by the President, Members of the Government and the Assembly, Chiefs of Diplomatic Missions and service attachés, senior army officers and officials and representatives of national organisations. The President looked very ill and almost dazed. The ceremonies themselves were short and simple, consisting of vocal and instrumental music and two speeches, one by [Klement] Gottwald, the Prime Minister, and the other by an elderly legionary of the First World War. In Gottwald’s speech, as in all official references to Masaryk, great stress was laid on the way in which the late Foreign Minister had identified himself with the new government because it represented the will of the people. During the two weeks between the coup d’état and his suicide, Masaryk made a number of statements, no doubt for tactical reasons, in which he eulogised the new government, and this has given the regime a wonderful body of source material from which to quote. The general line is that Masaryk was happy to be serving the people in this most democratic of governments, and was driven to suicide by the Vile reproaches of those in the West whom he thought to be his friends but who revealed themselves in this crisis as imperialists, warmongers and Fascists. The Communists are doing their best to establish a legend that Masaryk was hounded to death by the West.

4. When the brief ceremonies in the National Museum were concluded, the body was mounted on a gun-carriage and the funeral procession moved off with a large military and police escort. The route led through the heart of the business and shopping district, across the Vltava and up the hill to the Ministry of Foreign Attairs, a distance of about three miles. Chiefs of Diplomatic Missions walked in the procession, and this provided an otherwise unobtainable opportunity to witness the size and emotion of the crowds. Every inch of standing room from curb to buildings along the route was occupied, and there must have been something like half a million people on hand. The sobs and tears of the previous day were repeated by men and women, young and old. One can imagine the variety of emotions that reinforced one another to produce a sense of desolation – grief for a magnetic and popular leader, pity for the mental turmoil which found in suicide the only release from an unbearable situation, anger on the part of those who believed in murder rather than suicide, and a poignant feeling that the flag-covered casket carried with it to burial not only the body of a staunch democrat, but the liberties of the Czechoslovak people as well. The breaking of a link with the elder Masaryk must have made many people vividly aware of the contrast between today’s gloomy outlook and the hopeful days of the First Republic under the President-Liberator [Tomas Masaryk].

5. At the Foreign Ministry the casket was transferred from the gun-carriage to a motor hearse and taken to the country for burial beside the elder Masaryk [in the town of Lanyl. Only the family and a limited number of Ministers and officials took part in the final ceremonies, and diplomatic representatives were not invited to attend. In connection with diplomatic representation, there was one bizarre note which may be worth recording. Attendance had been strictly limited by the Foreign Ministry to Chiefs of Mission, who formed one group, and service attachés who marched in another. A notable exception to the rule was observed in the Chiefs of Mission group, where the Soviet Chargé d’Affaires was accompanied by five unknown and tough-looking individuals whose rumpled business dress made them stand out conspicuously from the morning coats and top hats of those who preceded and followed them. One can do no more than speculate on the motives which prompted the inclusion of these individuals in the procession.

6. The Legation flag was half-masted until after the funeral, and, in addition to attending the latter, I signed a condolence book in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. paid my respects at the lying-in-state and sent a wreath on behalf of the Canadian Government

I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your obedient servant,
R.M. Macdonnell
Chargé d’Affaires

Canadian Embassy, Prague, to Department of External Affairs, Telegram 752, 21 August 1968 (Confidential)

With dawn enormity of situation is being fully appreciated by Czechoslovaks. The country is reportedly under occupation by troops of five Warsaw Pact summiters [the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and East Germany]. Public shock is extremely pronounced. Many young Czech motorcyclists have gone by embassy with large Czechoslovak flags on their machines.

2. There are distressing reports, which we have no/no means of confirming, by local staff members who have come through centre of city of Czechoslovaks offering their bodies in opposition to invading tanks and Czechoslovaks in Prague approaching tanks with Czechoslovak flags in their hands. Scattered machine gunfire echoes through city and several loud explosions. Quantity of armour supports belief that they came both by road and air. Many aircraft still overhead but difficult to see them in early morning overcast. Long lines of people at stores and gas stations.

3. We are receiving many phone calls from Canadians including those at geological congress [the International Geological Congress met in Prague]. We are taking particulars and advising them to remain at their hotels for time being. We have been informed that phone lines outside Prague have been cut.

4. Following message has just been issued by Presidium of the National Assembly quote The President [sic: text read “The Presidium”] of the National Assembly expresses a deep and entire disagreement with the occupation of CSSR by the allied armies. This act has outrageously interfered into the sovereignty of the state. We demand an immediate departure of your troops from our country unquote.

5. Second secretary [J.E.M.] Bryson who has just returned to embassy estimates he saw 3000 troops mainly Soviet but some Poles around city mainly on airport road and vicinity of palace.

6. Prague Radio and TV are still on the air and are against invaders. Reports of Czechs being shot defending radio station.

[Charles V.] Cole

Canadian Embassy, Prague, to Department of External Affairs, Telegram 754, 21 August 1968 (Confidential)

At I a.m. local time heavy machine gun firing can be heard at embassy coming from various quarters of city. Prague Radio went off about 8:15 a.m. but there is reception from Pilsen and Ceske Budevice which is against occupation. There are indications that moral resistance to invading forces is growing and it is difficult to predict size and duration of resistance and whether it will continue but machine gun fire is continuing intermittently.

2. Dr. Albright who was in Moscow on NRC exchange and is passing through Prague told me he witnessed 10:45 a.m. local time crowd he estimates at 200-300 of Czechoslovak demonstrators near Hradcany Castle approaching troops he was told were Soviet. Troops fired machine guns over heads of Czechoslovaks who then jeered. Albright started to run away from firing with some Czechs. He is certain that troops at this point began firing at lower level and he and Czechoslovaks took cover. However, he did not/not actually see any person struck by bullets which were flying in all directions and he heard no/no cries.

3. Unconfirmed reports are that three persons have been shot in one area and local staff member claims she witnessed shooting of one Czech in front of radio station. I am told that last round of firing has come from top of Wenceslas Square.

Cole

42 bout de papier Vol.

Canadian Embassy, Prague, to Department of External Affairs, Telegram 755, 21 August 1968 (Confidential)

Following is preliminary estimate of sequence of events which we have compiled from various reports some of which may not/not be reliable.

1. Presidium of CC of CCP [Central Committee of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia] in session last evening preparing for 14th party congress.

2. At 11:00 p.m. received report of border crossings from quote allied unquote countries.

3. Called emergency session of combined National Assembly and CC of CCP.

4. Unconfirmed reports that foreign aircraft over Ruzyne Airport shortly after 12:00 midnight. Control crew turned off lights. Paratroopers came in and seized control. By 2:30 a.m. Soviet AN12 heavy transports arriving every three to five minutes.

5. At 2:00 a.m. statement issued from emergency meeting that no/no resistance should be offered since quote we have no/no means of defence unquote. No/no order for mobilisation issued.

6. 4:15 a.m. large number of heavy tanks passed embassy en route to city centre.

7. 4:45 a.m. Prague Radio reported Austrian border controlled and closed by Soviet troops.

8. 5:00 a.m. tanks surround Prague Castle and disarmed security guards. Czech leaders taken into custody.

9. 6:00 a.m. tanks in old town square fire on group organising to defend radio station.

10. 7:30 a.m. Janicek, popular radio announcer said tanks were on way. Quote We will remain as long as possible. You know our voice. It may change Unquote. [Mlada Fronta soon after published the text of this message as “When you hear voices on the radio you are not familiar with, do not believe them.”]

11. About 8:15 a.m. radio broadcast Czech anthem, shooting, heard final plea for freedom and democracy — radio dead. 10:30 a.m. TV reported arrival of high Soviet officials at airport.

12. Noon. Radio still broadcasting protest reports on same frequency but from Pilsen and Ceske Budevice; i.e., we will only work for [Alexander] Dubcek [First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia]. TV still broadcasting defiance, despatches to stay calm and food industry to remain on job. Requests not/not to hoard. Czech tanks moving toward centre of city, obviously under Soviet control.

13. Reports of general strike to begin midday.

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Originally published in bout de papier, Vol. 15, No. 2 (1998) — Summer 1998 // Été 1998, pp. 40–42. Read the rest of this issue →

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